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During the more than four centuries that Europeans read, copied, translated and printed the Sphere, there were dramatic changes in understandings of the heavens and the earth. The Portuguese and Spanish voyages of exploration beginning in the fifteenth century challenged Sacrobosco's claims that the torrid zone the region around the equator was uninhabitable and that over three-quarters of the globe were covered by water. The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were a period of revolutionary discoveries and innovations in astronomy, most famously, of course, the rise of heliocentric models of the cosmos.

The Sphere did not remain static in the midst of these intellectual upheavals. Indeed, almost all versions of the Sphere produced after Sacrobosco's lifetime contain commentary or other supplemental material including prefaces and additional sections. This material expanded, corrected and updated the original text of Sacrobosco.

The Sphere was actually an important vehicle for disseminating and discussing new discoveries and ideas about the cosmos. We also contend that the Sphere had a much larger audience than university students alone. This was especially true after the invention of printing in the mid-fifteenth century. In fact, to understand the long-running success of the Sphere, it is necessary to set it within the context of the history of the printed book.

These were Latin editions; the first printed vernacular versions appeared in the first decade of the sixteenth century. The success of Sacrobosco's modest little book reflects its unique combination of tradition and novelty. As Andrew Pettegree explains, the print market was extremely competitive and most books required a significant initial outlay of money to produce.

Any book that did not offer a good return on this initial investment could mean financial ruin for the printer. Therefore, "there was always a temptation to make conservative choices, printing proven bestsellers, or books for which there was a steady recurrent demand. The Sphere met these criteria admirably. For Latin versions, university students formed a small but steady audience. Because most educated people wanted at least a basic understanding of the cosmos, the book was also appealing to men and women who could read Latin, even if they did not formally study at a university.

Over the course of the sixteenth century, printers sought to expand this audience by publishing versions with additional material, most notably commentaries, which they could market as "new and improved. Further, printers sought to reach the growing numbers of people who could read a vernacular language but not Latin.

In particular, many translators sought to make the book appeal to a broad audience by emphasizing the utility of Sacrobosco's text, and some included sections on practical subjects like astrology, cartography and navigation. Vernacular translations of the Sphere often have prefaces in which the translator claims the altruistic desire to make knowledge of the cosmos accessible to those who cannot read Latin.

While such motivations may indeed have been operative, economic considerations clearly played a role as well. No printer took on the Sphere solely to enlighten his or her fellow men and women. We focus in this essay on four sixteenth-century vernacular spheres - one in German, one in French, one in Italian, and one in English. Each of these includes a translation of Sacrobosco's Sphere and additional material added by the translator or by the printer.

These four examples, from four different regions and in four different languages, illustrate the range of material that was added to spheres, including discussions of the work of recent astronomers like Georg Peuerbach - and Nicholas Copernicus - , geometry problems for the reader to solve, and descriptions of newly discovered regions of the world. Further, these four examples substantiate our point that in the case of vernacular spheres there is frequently an emphasis on utility.

The German. The French and Italian spheres contain material on voyages of discovery. And the English sphere contains material relevant to both of these topics. The four spheres that we discuss in this article were part of a broader trend, a growing demand for scientific works in vernacular languages in the sixteenth century. Scientific books in the vernacular included both works originally composed in a vernacular and those translated from Latin. In his sweeping study of the history of Western translation, Henri Van Hoof notes the popularity in the sixteenth century of translations of works on "astrology and mathematics, medicine and agriculture, history and geography.

So, for example, Violaine Giacomotto-Charra and Isabelle Pantin document the rising interest in vernacular astronomical texts in France in this period. Giacomotto-Charra describes the s as a moment "which saw in general a marked renewal of interest in questions linked to the sky" that inspired "a sudden and rapid wave of French translations. Our study of vernacular spheres shows that printers across Europe were keen to encourage and profit from the demand for vernacular scientific texts, and that printers frequently played a key role in the production of such texts.

In three of our examples - the German, French and English spheres - the printers made important decisions about the format and content of the book. Accordingly, we take the context and motivations of the printers as well as the translators into account in our discussion of each sphere. We will discuss our four examples in chronological order, based on date of publication. When referring to Sacrobosco's original text, we use the term Sphere.

When referring to later editions in either Latin or the various vernaculars we use the term sphere, or the plural spheres. Although we highlight some of the similarities between our four examples, we also emphasize that each was produced by different individuals, in a specific local context, and often with particular readers in mind. Each of these spheres is thus a unique text. Our first example of a vernacular sphere is a German translation by Conrad Heinfogel ca.

Heinfogel's translation was first published in Nuremberg in , and went through three more editions, one in Cologne and two in Strasbourg and He took holy orders in , and eventually became chaplain to Holy Roman. Emperor Maximilian I - His translation of Sacrobosco's Sphere was his last work. In his translation, Heinfogel sought to render the book more accessible, and perhaps more engaging, to German readers by using German rather than Latin words whenever possible. For example, Heinfogel usually gives the planets and the constellations their German names.

So strong was his preference for German vocabulary that he also invented German words for technical astronomical terms like solstices Sonnenwende , equinoxes Ebennechte , horizon Augenender , and meridian Mittentager-Creis. One of his most striking neologisms is his word for astrolabe. In fact, the suffix -labium or -labus in classical Latin denoted a measuring instrument. Heinfogel's translation stays close to Sacrobosco's original Latin, and he added no commentary to the text, other than the explanations of unfamiliar terms like astrolabe.

However, he did add a preface and a poem in which he claimed that he made his translation of Sacrobosco "for the sake of those who do not know Latin, and yet desire to learn this book's Kunst. In his preface, Heinfogel described Sacrobosco's Sphere as providing a foundation fundament , one that he implies interested readers could build on if they chose. Heinfogel's Sphaera materialis illustrates the mixture of intellectual and economic motivations at play in the production of vernacular spheres. For Heinfogel, it was one of a number of scientific projects: he made star maps, composed an almanac and translated Ptolemy from Greek into Latin.

These projects were conducted under the patronage of the Emperor Maximilian I, and Heinfogel was part of a circle of intellectuals and artists at the Emperor's court who were engaged in similar activities. Three different printers in three different German cities printed editions of Heinfogel's sphere. While the first, Jobst. Gutknecht fl. They are examples of printers choosing to publish a profitable existing text as part of an expanding market for vernacular science.

Cammerlander, who published Heinfogel's sphere twice, actually specialized in scientific texts in German. Cammerlander was a Lutheran who had been imprisoned in his native Mainz for printing and circulating Lutheran works. He relocated to the more congenial environment of Strasbourg and opened a print shop in Between and , scientific texts constituted fifty-four percent of the books he printed. These texts included calendars, prognostications, two books on astrological medicine, a wide variety of technical manuals, and various astronomical works, including Heinfogel's translation of Sacrobosco.

Cammerlander or someone working for him added a section on astrology to the last edition of the Sphera materialis. This addition would have given the German sphere a more utilitarian character, by demonstrating how knowledge of the heavens could be put to practical uses. The addition of astrological material also distinguished the edition from the earlier edition, which may still have been on the market, perhaps giving the last edition a competitive edge.

The additional section on astrology in the last edition of Heinfogel's sphere included a discussion of each of the twelve signs of the zodiac and each of the seven planets the moon, Mercury, Venus, the sun, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn and their influences on the terrestrial realm and on human beings. For example, we read of the sign Virgo Junckfraw that it is "cold and dry" and "rules over melancholy, the dry and cold earthy complexion.

In March the sun is in Aries and the earth germinates. Roots, trees and leaves turn green, brooks. The information in this additional section is not sufficient to enable the reader to cast horoscopes or make sophisticated prognostications about the weather, the course of a disease, or the outcome of political intrigue, but it gives a general sense of the influence of the stars and planets on human life and health.

The preceding discussion of Conrad Heinfogel, Jacob Cammerlander and the various editions of the Sphera materialis points to three important features of early modern vernacular spheres. First, translation itself subtly altered the text, even without the addition of commentary or other supplemental material. Heinfogel created a new technical. Further, his repeated use of the word Kunst, which had the dual sense of science theoretical knowledge and art practical know-how , and had no exact Latin equivalent, gave his sphere a more utilitarian cast than Sacrobosco's original.

Second, emphasis on the practical benefits of astronomy was a common feature of vernacular spheres, and indeed of vernacular scientific texts more generally. Finally, this case study illustrates the important role of printers in shaping texts. Cammerlander's decision to append a section on astrology to the last edition of Heinfogel's translation highlighted the utility of astronomical knowledge and its relevance to everyday life.

Our second example is a French translation of the Sphere by Guillaume des Bordes, a professor of mathematics. The French translation of the Sphere combined the strengths and resources of both printing houses. He specialized in books for university students, especially in the areas of mathematics, astronomy and cosmology. Cavellat printed Latin editions of the Sphere in , , and In , he switched to publishing the Sphaera emendata. One of the first universities to adopt it was the Lutheran University of Wittenberg.

Printers in Wittenberg added a preface, written by Philip Melanchthon - , extolling the value and utility of astronomical knowledge. Although Melanchthon's works were all placed on the Index of prohibited books in , Catholic publishers like Cavellat continued to include this preface, although they frequently removed Melanchthon's name. Unlike Cavellat, who specialized in books aimed at the small but steady market of university faculty and students, the Marnef family printed a wide range of religious, literary and historical texts, many of them in the vernacular.

The publishing partnership of Cavellat and de Marnef officially began in , although Cavellat had married de Marnef's niece Denise four years earlier. Because he had des Bordes translate the same version of the Sphere that he had been printing in Latin Elie Vinet's Sphaera emendata , Cavellat was able to reuse all the existing woodcuts to illustrate the French version, without having to. While Cavellat had experience and expertise printing mathematical books, de Marnef had experience and expertise selling books to a much broader reading public than Cavellat.

The result of their collaboration was a book that was profitable to both. Indeed, it was so profitable that Cavellat largely stopped publishing university texts and turned to the more lucrative genres of French schoolbooks and religious works. While the careers of Cavellat and de Marnef are well documented, little is known about the translator. On the title page of his Sphere, he describes himself as "Guillaume des Bordes, Bordelais gentleman, licensed in law, professor of mathematics.

Des Bordes worked as a consultant on a Latin edition of the German astronomer Johan Stoffler's treatise on the astrolabe in ,50 and he wrote a preface to a French translation of the same work in He claimed that he undertook the translation project "so no one can excuse themselves from the study of these beautiful sciences, as they can when they are only written in Latin.

In this preface, and des Bordes' translation, Melanchthon argues that human beings have a positive duty to study the stars because the magnificence of the heavens reveals the divine power and providence of God. Translated into French, his words became an argument for the broad diffusion of astronomical knowledge in the vernacular. And by retitling the preface "On the Utility of Astrology," des Bordes emphasized the practical benefits of studying the heavens.

Both the new title and the translation into French thus shifted the meaning of the preface. Nearly every section of the French sphere has some sort of annotation, adapted from Elie Vinet's annotations in the Sphaera emendata. Take, for instance, the annotation of the passage in which Sacrobosco claims that the coldest and warmest regions of the world are uninhabited:.

In terms of the zones or belts that many have estimated to be uninhabitable due to great heat or cold, we have found and known by many and diverse navigations made in our time that there were men and women who lived in these regions.. How many are there in the Portuguese [colonies] in the eastern torrid zone?

How many will we find in other Spanish colonies in the same hot zone in the West? We know even less and are less familiar with the cold zones and regions than the hot. This particular annotation reflects the discoveries made by the Portuguese and Spanish voyages of exploration that began in the fifteenth century and took Europeans into parts of the globe - including southern Africa, the Caribbean and South America - where they had previously never been.

The book also has a picture of a globe with a map of Africa that reflects the Portuguese exploration of the west coast and circumnavigation of that continent in the s. Although des Bordes claimed he was making Sacrobosco's text available to those who could not read Latin, the annotations are sprinkled with references to authors and texts available only in Latin. There were, for example, references to more recent work in astronomy, including that of Georg Peuerbach - , Jacobus Faber Stapulensis or Jacques Lefevre d'Etaples, ca.

One of these annotations even criticizes Sacrobosco's poor grasp of Greek: "Jean de Sacro Bosco shows in many places that he has little knowledge of the Greek language. But even those French readers who could not access the Latin works referred to in the annotations could gain some familiarity with recent developments in astronomy and cosmology from reading des Bordes' translation. This French sphere was primarily the product of two enterprising printers, who commissioned the translator.

They took advantage of the growing market for vernacular books, especially for vernacular books on scientific subjects. The fact that one of these printers, Cavellat, had been printing Elie Vinet's Sphaera emendata for several years meant that they had woodblocks for all the illustrations available that could simply be reused, thus lowering the initial costs of printing.

Like many spheres, both in Latin and in the vernacular, des Bordes' French sphere contained extensive annotations that reported new discoveries about the cosmos and incorporated the work of more recent astronomers. Even though the text, annotations and preface were all closely based on Latin originals, they were subtly but significantly changed in the French translation to emphasize the utility, accessibility and value of astronomical knowledge for a broad readership.

Our third example is an Italian translation that was made in by Piervincenzo Danti ca. He initially prepared the translation for his children, Teodora and Giulio. It remained in manuscript form until , when Piervincenzo's grandson, Egnatio Danti - , arranged for it to be printed. It went through three editions, two printed in Florence and and one in Perugia As in the French version discussed above, the annotations in this Italian version expand, clarify and update the information offered in the original text. In addition, the annotations in Piervincenzo's sphere contain several references to his native Perugia, which give the book a distinctively local flavor.

Relatively little is known about Piervincenzo Danti, except that he was from the Umbrian city of Perugia, and skilled in mathematics, astronomy and architecture. It is also not clear how much this dedication - or indeed the translation and annotations - were altered or composed at a later date by Egnatio Danti. In this dedicatory preface Piervincenzo describes how he retired with his family to his "little villa" piccola villetta during an outbreak of the plague. For this purpose, he translated the Sphere of Sacrobosco into Italian.

The child who showed the most aptitude for astronomy was his eldest daughter Teodora, who mastered not only the Sphere but a work on the astrolabe and an almanac as well. He describes this daughter as the one to whom "you gave the name of Teodora [while] holding her at her baptism" cui voi imponeste il nome di Teodora tenendola al bat-tesimo , implying that she was Alfani's godchild. It also offers rare evidence of a female reader of a sphere. Teodora Danti c. The sole biographical information about her except for the mention in her father's sphere translation is an entry in Lione Pascoli's Vite de Pittori, Scultori, ed Architetti Perugini Lives of Perugian Painters, Sculptors and Architects According to Pascoli who offers no citations , she wrote poetry, a commentary on Euclid and a treatise on painting.

However, Pascoli gives Teodora's birthdate as , the same year as the dedicatory preface. While Teodora may well have been precociously brilliant, it seems unlikely that she read astronomical works as an infant. It is possible that Egnatio added the reference to his aunt, who had achieved a certain fame, at least in Perugia, by the time this sphere was first printed in In his own dedicatory preface, Egnatio repeats his grandfather's story about translating the Sphere during a plague epidemic in for the instruction of his children, and notes the marvelous talents of his aunt Teodora.

Egnatio Danti68 was the son of Piervincenzo's son Giulio Danti - Giulio, like his father and sister, was highly educated and particularly skilled in mathematics and art. He trained as an architect and goldsmith. Egnatio studied mathematics, astronomy and cartography. Vincenzo became a sculptor at the court of Cosimo I de' Medici - , and it is possible that he was the one who drew the Duke's.

In , Egnatio became a cosmographer to Cosimo I when the Duke asked him to prepare maps and a large terrestrial globe that still adorn the Sala delle Carte, or Map Room, of the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence. Egnatio wrote widely circulated works on how to make and use an astrolabe, as well as authoring works on other astronomical topics.

Cosimo commissioned him to give public mathematical lectures and to study the reform of the calendar. As part of his study of calendar reform, Egnatio mounted astronomical instruments on the outer wall of the church of Santa Maria Novella in Florence, which he used to determine the precise date of the vernal equinox. The same year, the second edition of Piervincenzo's translation of the Sphere was published, this time with a dedication to Johanna of Austria, Francesco de' Medici's wife and the new Grand Duchess of Tuscany.

This may have been Egnatio's attempt to secure patronage from the new Grand Duke and his wife. If so, it was singularly unsuccessful. In Francesco ordered Egnatio to leave Tuscany. He created maps of the papal states and served on the papal commission for calendar reform. The last edition of Piervincenzo's sphere was published in , this time with a dedication to Giovanni de' Medici - , the illegitimate son of Cosmio I de' Medici.

The printed version of Piervincenzo's sphere included new information about the heavens and the earth. For example, readers were informed that the declination of the zodiac la declinatione del Zodiaco had changed since the days of the ancient Greeks. The declination of the zodiac - or the obliquity of the ecliptic - is the angle between the axis of the celestial sphere's rotation and the axis of the sun's annual rotation.

Subsequent astronomers in the Islamic world argued that the value of the angle oscillated, being sometimes larger and sometimes smaller. The mathematician and astronomer Thabit ibn Qurra ca. Even today the swearword donkey accuses a person of imperfection. So-called learning difficulties are often overcome with the help of poems and mnemonic rhymes, in German these are described as 'donkey bridges' [ 34 ].

During the 15th century obvious illustrations connected to this fact existed, above all in the 'Ship of Fools' by Sebastian Brant. However, 'donkey ears' also characterise characterize heretics and in general stand for the heresy of atheists. In the light of the remoteness of God, the fool is illustrated with donkey ears during the middle ages. Erasmus von Rotterdam introduces the mythological level and describes the donkey ears as 'Midas ears'. These stories date back to the 'metamorphoses' of the often received work of Ovid. Hence, donkeys making music are often a symbol of foolishness and dullness.

In this sense, the donkey is an allegory of the 'stultitia gentilium' of Judaism mount of the synagogue. The main thought is the connection to the theological interpretation of the 'folly of the cross' Torheit des Kreuzes. Considering the religious dimension, Jesus himself is the fool who is riding a donkey on his entrance to Jerusealem.

In the bible, the donkey is described as a symbol of persistence, patience, abstinence? Isahiah 1, 3 and Habakkuk 3, 2 , mount of the Prophet Bileam Numbers 22, , as a mount for Mary when fleeing to Egypt Matthew 2, , as well as for Jesus when he enters Jerusalem Matthew 21, The events of the salvation history were popular enactments during the 13th and 14th century in the Tyrol. Palm donkeys [ 35 ] made out of wood accompanied the Palm Sunday processions;, this is still common in Thaur near Hall in the Tyrol, for example.

The donkey is connected to the explanation of the gospel. It seems as if the donkey is following the swan in gallop. If it really is really a swan, then the interpretation could be connected to the reformation and counter-reformation. The forerunner of the Reformation Jan Hus, from Prague, was executed in during the Council of Constance for being a heretic.

Before he was burnt at the stake he apparently said that today they were roasting a goose, but that tomorrow a swan will resurrect from the ashes. In theCzech Republic Hus is symbolized as a goose and Luther as the resurrected swan. The dragon-like or bird-like composite creature on the left sleeve of Elisabeth's blouses could be interpreted in connection to the image programme of the apocalyptic woman, because the Revelation says: 'and the dragon stood before the woman which was ready to be delivered, for to devour her child as soon as it was born.

And she brought forth a man child, who was to rule all nations with a rod of iron: and her child was caught up unto God, and to his throne' Revelation 12, 5 [ 36 ]. Since the ancient history, the image of dragons fighting was used for politics. Snakes and dragons have a similar meaning. And I heard a loud voice saying in heaven: Now is come salvation, and strength, and the kingdom of our God, and the power of his Christ: for the accuser of our brethren is cast down, which accused them before our God day and night. And they overcame him by the blood of Lamb, and by the word of their testimony; and they loved not their lives unto the death.

Therefore rejoice, ye heavens, and ye that dwell in them. Woe to the inhabiters of the earth and of the sea! For the devil is cocme down unto you, having great wrath, because he knoweth that he hath but a short time. In the Apocalypses of John, the snake as a symbol of paradise mutated to a dragon. Dragons are often used as a synonym for snakes lat. Literally it means gaze or the gazing person.

Lilith, Adam's first wife, is described as a snake which is said to have seduced Eva. The snake of paradise re-emergences in the apocalypses. In the old Mesopotamia, Lilith is the daemon of child fever and appears in several texts. Usually she is illustrated with wings. In everyday speech, composite creatures are often described as monsters. They cannot be directly attributed to one animal. The illustration of dragons, toads and snakes were considered special curiosities.

The "irrational Heart": Romantic Disillusionment in and

Bird-like composite creatures with a shell or as a combination of different animal bodies and heads were often represented in mythology and described as fabulous creatures. They stimulated people's fantasy in the modern times in a kind of special way. The so-called Basilisk could be one of these mentioned creatures - a fabulous creature which stimulated the imagination of human beings in a special way. The basilisk appears in different emblems, on houses and illustrations in the form of fabulous creatures, such as lizards, cockerels, snakes, dragons.

These hybrid creatures which could not be clearly attributed, appeared in various different cultural areas. The Roman poet Plinius the Elder wrote that the basilisk was a lizard which had a light patch on its head in the form of a crown. The word derives from the Greek word 'basileus', which means as much as small king.

Some sources say that the basilisk is the 'king of the snakes and reptiles'. It is said that the basilisk had an evil gaze,; everyone who looked at him had to die. Even his breath was said to be deadly and just like an intense fire it could destroy all the vegetation. The basilisk dealt out destruction, infertility and above all the pest everywhere. The basilisk is considered as deadly, his breath and his gaze could kill. The dangerous gaze could only be fended off with the basilisk's own reflection in the mirror. As a defence, many portals but also sacral buildings carry the image of a basilisk.

Their wild appearance should be like a barrier and protect from all bad ghosts that could harm the church. Looking at the left sleeve of Elisabeth a little closer, you can recognize a dragon-like animal or a stork, depending on the angle you look at the picture. If you turn the portrait 90 degrees, you can identify a basilisk with a crown. This visual illusion enables a more complex interpretation and allows different points of view: a reversible figure which due to the coloured shading shows different information depending on the angle it is viewed from.

Could the two riders on horsebacks illustrated on the outer garment of Elisabeth be interpreted in the sense of the apocalyptic vision? The apocalyptic texts and illustrations of the four apocalyptic riders were widely spread in the 16th century. In the sixth chapter of the Revelation of John, the apocalyptic riders appear as messengers of war, hunger, famine, plague and death.

The interpretation of the four riders was in close relation to the experiences at that time: agricultural crisis, starvation and famine were major problems during the 16th century. The apocalyptic interpretation probably emerged in the context of the Ottoman Wars, the religious unrests and the widespread deaths. Could the symbols on Elisabeth's clothing have a defensive function? Can the defence and overcoming of crisis and conflicts be interpreted in a religious-magical relation? The surcot of Elisabeth has red-golden yellow horizontal stripes. The accentuation of the horizontal lines and crossbars is relatively new in regard to costumes.

Different symbols can be identified on the maroon coloured stripes on the dress: the most prominent symbols are the four moons with faces, three of them are looking to the left and one is looking to the right.

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Two of the moons are flanked by riders on horsebacks and donkey backs, one coming from the left and the other from the right. The moon on the right shoulder is hardly visible. The yellow gold clothing of Elisabeth shows silver embellishments. The gold colour is an indication for the royal class or for divinity.

The colour gold often represents the luminance of of the sun, whereas silver was seen as a valuable metal. The expensive silver was increasingly applied in a religious sense. A well-known example is the 'silver chapel' in Innsbruck which was built in by the architect to the imperial court, Hans Lucchese. Archduke Ferdinand II ordered this construction 'in honour of our dear immaculate woman'. The vaults and walls of the silver chapel in Innsbruck are decorated with 'winged cherubs and golden half moons on a red background' Dehio Tirol , Certain similarities in colours can be identified in the horizontal stripes and the selection of the theme of the half moons.

Alexander Colin constructed both tombs. The lower gravestones is are made of marble. They show 'emblems of war and death and furthermore, 26 colour-coordinated emblems. The lower part of the wall is in white marble and shows scenes from the Archduke's life: the Battle of Muehlberg defeated Duke Frederik??

A half moon can either be a seen as a moon phase or an unspecific term for the iIslamic symbol of the sickle moon. In the bible the moon has an important symbolism. The moon can be attributed to John the Baptist, who announced the Messiah as the last Prophet of the old testament. Therefore, the moon is attributed to him and the Old Testament, whereas the the sun is a sign of salvation and the New Convent. So it can be said that in the typology, the moon stands for the old church synagogue and the sun ecclesia for the new church. In the Christian mystery of the sun and moon, the moon glows because it puts itself inside of the sun.

The luminosity can only become transparent through the sunshine. From a theological point of view, it is said that the old church can only be recognised in the brilliance of the new church. In the 'mysterium lunae' the three moon phases dying, fathering, birthing are compared with the Ecclesia. The moon 'luna' has a female connotation and is personified in the form of Mary, whereas the sun is interpreted as male and is associated with Christ.

Due to Mary's supernatural beauty she is compared to the sun and the moon in the Song of Solomon the Song of Solomon 6, She is also described as the queen of heaven lat. On the former winged altar in the silver chapel you can also see on the left hand side a sun with a face and on the right hand side, a moon face above the head of Mary. In the middle, between the sun and the moon, god, embedded in clouds, is holding his hands wide open in the shape of a triangle open to the bottom. This artwork out of silver which was made by Anton Ort, the gold smith of the court of Archduke Ferdinand II, decorated the altar.

Around the praying Madonna with two angels, there are 14 symbols of Mary: sun, moon, city, tree, closed garden, star, rose, fountain, Roman temple, gate with wall, seal, cedar wood vessel, water container, field flowers, tower of David, closed gate. On the predella you can see the reliefs of four apostles: Jude Thaddeus, Matthew, Philip and Bartholomew. There is a new and unforeseen rise of adoration of the Virgin Mary in the countries ruled by the Habsburgs. The Madonnas and Mary columns and the creation of new miraculous images of the Virgin Mary expressed the religious renovation in the spirit of the counter-reformation.

Mary was worshipped as the victorious matron who was especially related with the victory for the catholic liga in the Battle of Lepanto in over the Islamic fleet. Therefore, this character of Mary is often described as the victorious Mary. She personifies the victory over people of a different faith, namely Jews, Mohammedans, Protestants. Moreover, Mary represents the promise of the new church as the victress over death, Satan and heresy. Another form of the illustration of Mary developed from the jubilant Mary, namely 'Maria Immaculata', the immaculate Mary.

The Madonna on the moon sickle became a popular subject during the 16th century. She is standing on a downwards pointing half moon with stars. Since the last third of the 14th century, she appears as an art figure and since the mid 15th century she appears more and more often. Mary received the cosmic symbols and was incorporated in the celestial spheres. At Ambras Castle near Innsbruck, you can find a so-called image of enemel with the title 'apocalyptic woman' from the glass factory in Innsbruck, it is dated around inventory number PA A Marian image on the moon sickle was also maintained from this time period at the Ambras Castle inventory number PA The idea of the apocalyptic woman was transported into the picture of the Virgin Mary shaped by the modern era.

From a religio-historical point of view, the picture of the apocalyptic woman can be traced back to the cult of Isaiah of the Ancient World. The old church already interpreted the twelve stars as the zodiac, the sun as Christ and the moon as Mary. During the 16th century, the apocalyptic woman gradually changed into the apocalyptic Madonna. The apocalyptic woman is identified with Mary, in the Catholic tradition it is compared to the Ecclesia, the church. Due to the image of birth it experiences an apocalyptic transformation. An important sign in the guise of the apocalyptic woman appears in the sky: 'And there appeared a great wonder in heaven; a woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve stars: And she being with child cried, travailing in birth, and pained to be delivered.

The woman giving birth is an important symbol in the cosmic tradition. In great pain, the apocalyptic woman gives birth to the child. This aims at the connection between Eva and Mary, who as the new Eva conquered the original sin. The 'difficult birth' [ 39 ] is often used as a metaphor for extreme hardship and distress, this feeling then changes into complacence after the labour pains. Mary, in the role of Jesus' mother, becomes part of the salvation history. In order to reinforce the status of Mary, she had to stand above all other women.

Proof for this was the Immaculate Conception, which was a concept already defined in the Council of Basel in The breakthrough of 'Maria Immaculata' was in close relation to the counter-reformational image propaganda. Image: Madonna in the Silver Chapel. Is there an approach between the fool and Mary? The portrait of Elisabeth does not directly stand in the tradition of the illustration of fools, this can be identified through the iconography.

The fool played an important role in the humanistic and pedagogical preparation of the reformation, whereas Elisabeth is related to the catholic thinking during the counter-reformation. The symbols on her clothing can probably be interpreted in a religious-magical context of the counter-reformation. In general, the image programme allows relations between Elisabeth and the apocalyptic woman. The female association are is especially accentuated here.

The origin is definitely deeper rooted in the magical thinking. This is documented in a short synopsis about the belief in miracles of that time. Tote werden aufgeweckt und die Armen bringen die Freudenbotschaft. Ferdinand II leveraged the Catholic counter-reformation in his own countries and as an art lover, built a basis for the famous Ambras collection which today belongs to the Museum of Art History Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien.

Artefacts and natural produce which were associated with Archduke Ferdinand's scientific interest, were presented in the Chamber of Wonders. Ferdinand was not the only person of this time interested in curiosities. He enriched his collection at the art chamber at Ambras castle with a generation of the legendary Prague art collection of Emperor Rudolf II and furthermore it was enriched in friendly rivalry competitions with the efforts of Archduke Ferdinand II of the Tyrol' Diemer , 6. The librarian and art chamberlain Gerhard von Roo, born in the Netherlands, searched for and bought curiosities for the Archduke.

Roo collected and put together different history related stories, including the 'Sapientia Salomonis', a written didactic poem about the Wisdom of Solomon. Nature was explored and examined mainly through alchemist and astrological methods. Ferdinand himself owned a 'chemical kitchen' and he was familiar with dealing with alchemists. Furthermore, birth horoscopes were nothing extraordinary. The prophecies and predictions were related to the constellation. Up until the modern times, astrology was seen as a real science and designated astronomers, like Kopernikus and Kepler, observed the stars.

During the 16th century, reports about comets, which were interpreted as signs of forerunners, became more frequent. These prodigies miraculous signs were especially related to celestial phenomena and malformations of humans, animals and plants. There are numerous images and leaflets about celestial prodigies. The figurative history shows a merely unbelievable variety of things that have fallen from the sky. For example, stones and snakes falling from the sky as a miraculous sign when a baby is born.

It is said that it rained fish, frogs, locusts but also crop. One was speechless with amazement because of the miracles the divine nature came up with. Every form of epilepsy, which was seen as a divine illness, and every kind of malformation caused sensation. Deviation from a standard, determined the interpretation of sign. Very often this was the basis for prodigies which were interpreted as signs. During the modern times, individual malformations were not understood as a fail of the divine wisdom, but rather as a prediction of the future.

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The meaning attributed to miracles, finds its expression in the 'imago mundi'. It is a form of illustration of the medieval sphere of influence, a picture of the world which was a model for illustrative and written descriptions. The Physiologus [ 40 ] had a great influence in the Christian iconography.

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The image heritage of the ancient world was passed on into the 13th, 14th and 15th century and was documented in the belief in miracles. While human attributes were still seen as allegoric during the middle ages, 'during the century of humanism, the pagan fear of monsters as an evil sign returned' ib. Signs like these appeared for example at unusual births which corresponded with extraordinary celestial phenomena and celestial alignments solar eclipses and comets. Seriously deformed foetus were not only interpreted in an individual sense but also politically, they were interpreted as a sign sent by god.

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They expressed divine anger. From the 16th century onwards, rising numbers of prophetic scriptures were issued and these were distributed through the new medium of letterpress. The magical thinking experiences a great breakthrough with the superstition of the 16th and 17th century. The belief in miracles and the attempts to interpret these, became increasingly abstruse.

They were infiltrated by delusion. Especially outsiders, vagrants, jugglers, midwives and so called 'natural fools' acted as figures in the context of defence, coping with anxiety, accusation and the omnipresent death experiences. There was an increase in catastrophes during the 16th and 17th century. Innsbruck was haunted by a devastating firestorm in and , in there were massive earthquakes which continued for more than 'forty days' Hirn , Hardship, price increases and other curses caused another epidemic in and worsened due to earthquakes.

This year of horror and hardship is described by Schweyger in Hall in Tyrol. After singing the High Mass of 'Passione Domini' Passion of Christ the people walked under the portal in front of the large church entrance and held the first stop. On the 14 th and 16 th of January the same kind of procession was held. On the 14 th the mass was read by the Holy Trinity and on the 16 th by the Blessed Virgin' Kleinberger , f.

During the modern times, the new science did not oppose the Christian doctrine, but rather was a 'kind of excessive implementation of the fundamental idea of magic' ib. The break of the scholastic principle of classification created completely new forms of beliefs. In the course of the redefinition of statements of faith during the reformation and counter-reformation, a new kind of canonisation, put together from different traditions, developed. The different interpretations of the religious renovation were put together out of different pieces. Complex iconological conventions evolved which emphasized and communicated these trends.

The counter-reformational image propaganda used the female protagonist Mary for its work. The creation of the illustration of the apocalyptic woman in the guise of 'Maria Immaculata' as Jesus' mother, as advocate for this time of hardship and as the Virgin of Mercy led to an idealisation of the image of women and mothers. An important motif in the life of Archduke Ferdinand of the Tyrol, was to maintain the memory of his ancestors.

He completed the 'memoria' concept of his great-grandfather Emperor Maximilian I by finishing off the royal chapel Hofkirche Series IV, Periodicals , includes serial publications about the guitar that Olcott-Bickford collected throughout her life. This series consists of two sub-series Complete Issues and Loose Articles. Complete Issues contain periodicals, dating from , which are closely related to guitar, banjo other plucked instruments. Loose Articles are clippings or tear outs from periodicals or newspapers dating from ; they are articles highlighting the guitar or guitarists that Olcott-Bickford enjoyed reading about.

Olcott-Bickford consistently and regularly added to her collection, and frequently wrote to magazines and periodicals that have since been discontinued. This series includes some articles that are specifically referred to in the Correspondence series. Periodicals range in date from the late 19th to late 20th century.

Materials are filed alphabetically. Series V, American Guitar Society Files , consists of items that Olcott-Bickford collected during her work founding and leading the AGS, which includes correspondence, minutes, programs, catalogs, and guest books. All of these items demonstrate the growth and development of AGS from a small organization in Los Angeles to a large society with international associations. Materials in the series date from a time when Olcott-Bickford was an active member in the early s, serving as the Secretary and Musical Director of the Society, until the late s.

Series VI, Photographic Material , contains personal and professional photographs of Olcott-Bickford, as well as photographs of people who corresponded with her and guitars. It is divided into two subseries: Loose Photographs and Albums and Scrapbooks. The series includes photographic prints, slides, negatives, photo albums, and scrapbooks. Each subseries is arranged alphabetically by file title. Some of these sound recordings include items that have a label indicating they are from the Zarvah Publishing Co. They are dated approximately early to midth century. Many recordings have not been identified because they are unlabeled.

Sound recording are filed by identification number. Series I: Scores, De Anguera.

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De Crescenzo. Series: I. Douze Valses Op. Los Favoritas: Ocho contadanzas Op. Seis valses de guitarra Op. Seis minuetos Op. Catorce valses de tres partes Op. Tres rondos brillantes Op. Estudio de concierto N. Aguado, Lulli and G. Sirlen della Lanca. Laureola mazurka para guitarra Op.

La gran via mazurka para guitarra Op. La gran via vals para guitarra Op. Viva Jerez Nueva Petenera Op. Fannycilla Mazurka Op. Viva Aragon Jota Op. Jota Aragonesa Op. Marcha Espagnole Op. Bach and F. Series: Obras escogidas de varios autores. Amor naciente vals Op. Andanta sentimental Op. Series: Antonio Alba Obras para guitarra. Ecos de besos vals Op. Series: Antonio Alba obras para guitarra. Mi tesoro polka Op.

Polka-Militar Op. Caprichosa Polka Op. Suspiros del alma vals Op. Max Franke. Rodriguez Albert. Vals Op. Cuento tale Op. Rancho abandonado Op. Variaciones sobre un tema de Dn. Series: Repertorio de obras para guitarra. Rodriguez Arenas. Series: Easy Arrangements and Compositions for Guitar. Series: Biblioteca "Fortea" publicacion mensual de musica. Composers: A. Babb and Thos. Tchaikowsky, A. Alfieri, and E. Series: Selected Compositions for Guitar. Valentin Borrero. Instrumentation: Solo; Gutiar or Harp Guitar.

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Instrumentation: Solo; Guitar or Harp Guitar. Series: White's popular solos for guitar. Preludio Op. Gran Variazioni per la chitarra Op. Series: Nouvelles Compositions pour la Guitare. Sonate pour le piano forte y guitare Op. Penas meditacion Op. Fantasie Op. Nabucodonosor di Verdi Op. Norma di Bellini Op.

La Regina di Cipro. Di Pacini Op. Der Prophet von Meyerbeer Op. Series: Recreaciones agradables e instructivos sacadas de las mas celebres melodias. Series: Recreaciones agradables e instructivos. Nabucodonosor di G. Verdi Op. Rondeau Brillant Op. Fleurs du Bal Op. Grand Rondeau Op. Petit Fantasie Op. Danze d'amore Op. Brigham Bishop. Duettino Op. Celia Jota-Valse Op. Brimborion Romance Sans Paroles Op. Souvenir de Barcelone Valse-Dialogue Op. Retraite Espagnole Op. Ballad Op. Fantaisie Dramatique Op. Au Son des Cloches, Mazurka Op. Plainte Moresque Op. Brimborion Op. Pasa Calle Op. Plainte Moresque: No.

Guitare Seule Op. Venise Op. L'Amazone, polka Op. Louis Brachet.

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Series: Select Compositions and Arrangements for Guitar. Series: Repertorio de Obras para Guitarra. Series: Repertorio de obras para Guitarra. Series: Selected Compositions and Arrangements for the Guitar.

Song lists

Series: Jacobs' Amateur Series for Guitar. Calegari and L. Coletta, Ignazio Bitelli. Finale della Saffo di G. Series: Compositions pour Guitare par Matteo Carcassi. Fantaisie de Fra Diavolo Op. Fantaisie sur Les Diamants de la Couronne Op. Alte Meister der Gitarre, Bd. Blanco y negro, tango para guitarra Op. Bodas de Plata Reverie No. Carmen romanza sin palabras No. Catania, Siciliana Op. Tanda de valses, No. Antonio Cano. Seis valses brillantes, No.

Composers: Valverde hijo and Torregrosa. Series: 5 Pezzi per Chitarra di Giuseppe Coste. Series: Scelte Composizioni E Trascrizioni. Series: Obras Escogidas de Varios Autores. El carnaval, No. Carulli Brevier No. Trois Rondo pour Guitare ou Lyre, Op. Au Clair de la Lune, Op. Le Songe de J. Six Caprices, Op. Rondoletto pour la Guitare, Op. Fantaisie pour la Guitare, Op. Fantaisie pour la Guitar, Op.